CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT IN NIGERIA 1900 – 1966
The History Of Nigeria Up To 1914
Nigeria the most populous country on the African continent only came
into existence in its present form in 1914 when the two protectorates of
Northern and Southern Nigeria were amalgamated by Sir Fredrick Lugard.
The name Nigeria was first suggested in an article for the Times that
the several British protectorates on the Niger be known as Nigeria1. The
history of Nigeria as it is today goes back more than two thousand
years. The earlier history of its peoples is contained in myths and
legend, for north only, where the Kanuri and Hausa came into contact
with the Arabs there any records noticed before the nineteenth country.
One can say. However, reconstruct something of the history of Africa or
Nigeria political division from archaeological research, which has
greatly advanced in the last decades.2
Although Nigeria was the creation of Western ambitions and rivalry in
West Africa; it is erroneous to believe that its peoples had little
history contacts before its own boundaries were negotiated by Britain,
France and Germany at the turn of the twentieth century. The Nigeria
state contained not just a multiplicity of ethnic groups, but also a
number of great Kingdoms that had evolved complex system of government
devoid of European influence.3 The great Kingdom of Kanem-Borno, had a
known history of more than a thousand years. The Sokoto Caliphate which
for nearly a hundred years before its defeat by British had ruled most
of the Savannah of Northern Nigeria; the Benin and Ife Kingdoms had
become famous in art as amongst the most accomplished in the world. It
is evident that the Empire of Oyo was once the most powerful of the
States of the Guinea Coast. The Niger Delta (City States) had
tremendously grown in response to European demands for slaves and later
palm oil. On the other hand the Igbo-speaking peoples were known for the
famous Igbo- Ukwu bronzes and terracotta’s. Before 1900, the diverse
groups had in one way or the other through trade and war been in contact
with each other4.
The Federal Republic of Nigeria covers an area of 570,000 square Kms
and according to the last census has a population of over 150,000,000
people. The coastline stenches for 800 km from Badagry in the West of
Calabar in the East, which includes the Bights of Benin and Bonny. The
borders are contiguous with the Republic of Benin to the West, Niger
Republic to the North and the Republic of Cameroon to the East. Despite
the continuous notion that Nigerians were not consulted before the 1914
amalgamation, today Nigeria is inhabited by a large number of ethnics
groups ranging in some from a few thousand to many millions, speaking
between them several hundred languages. Though looking at the variety of
customs, languages and social organization is confusing, they can be
grouped into a number of linguistic groups which gives a honest good
indication of their wider cultural relationship or affiliations.5
The Nigeria linguistic affiliation does not imply common decent,
since contact between two very different groups can lead to assimilation
of the linguistic system of one by the other. According to Joseph H.
Greenberry, the majority of Nigeria’s inhabitants speak one of the large
groups of languages of Niger-Corgo family that form part of the larger
Congo-Lordofanion family. 6The Kwa family which Nigeria is concerned is
sub family of Niger-Congo family. The Yoruba, the Edo, Nupe and Igbo
speak language classified as Kwa 7
THE AMALGAMATION
A crucial look at Nigeria issues and problem has be alluded to the
1914 amalgamation of Southern and Northern Nigeria as one state. In
1914, the Colony and Protectorate of Southern Nigeria and the
protectorate of Northern Nigeria were united together by Lord Fredrick
Lugard on 1st January 1914, thus becoming the Colony and Protectorate of
Nigeria. The year 1914 has attracted so much importance in analyzing
the politics of Nigeria as it marks the turning point in the evolution
of the Nigeria state and also making Nigeria a political entity. A lot
has been given as the reason for the amalgamation of South and North8.
However, the immediate reason for the decision to amalgamate the two
Nigeria was economic expediency or idea. 9The Northern Protectorate was
running at a severe deficit, which was taken care of by Southern
protectorate subsidy with British imperial Grant-in-Aid of about
£300,000 a year. This was a departure from the age old policy of
colonial autonomy, especially in financial matters.
Also, there were the pressing issues to coordinate railway policy,
which at times was not in existence. The singular action by Lugard
influenced the whole future of Nigeria. 10These actions would have been
averted if Lord Lugard had listened to better judgment of a man who knew
Nigeria well. E. D Moral, at that time editor of the African Mail. A
known critic of the colonial policy, he proposed the division of the
country into four large provinces; namely Northern, Central, Western and
Eastern Provinces. While Temple, the then Lt. Governor of the Northern
Protectorate suggested the division of Nigeria into seven with three
each at North and South respectively, Lagos as the last of the seven.
However, the decision of Lord has inevitably led Nigeria to
political crisis and peace. At the era of Nigeria independence, it’s
clear to note that the seeming unity of Nigeria was at low ebb. The
events that preceded the October’s 1st 1960 have attracted serious
question on the amalgamation of the North and South in 1914.11
THE PATH TO INDEPENDENCE
The Richard’s Constitution of 1947 marked the actual
turning point in Nigeria’s road towards independence, though the
constitution received serious attacks from every side of Nigerian
nationalists.12 The very objectives of the constitution signified unity,
providing unity for the diverse elements that make up Nigeria and to
ensure much participation by Africans in the discussion of their
affairs. The most striking feature of the Constitution was the inclusion
of the North in the Central legislature, a move seen as an effort at
ensuring unity. Though they were mainly restricted to discussion, the
creation of Regional Assemblies in the Constitution has been seen as the
foundation of tribalism in Nigeria politics. Dike (1957) reaffirmed
the nation that Richard’s constitutional development, is against the
effort of unifying Nigerian towards a centralized state and the
realization of a common nationality.13
However, it has been argued that if Lord Sir Arthur wanted
to contain regional and ethnic differences he would have followed the
notion proposed by Moral and Temple, also later by Zik. This whole
action set a precarious situation of a very unwieldy federation with one
region twice the size in area and population of the other two. The
events that followed the introduction of the constitution show a great
deal of damage it had caused to the unity of Nigeria. The decision made
at the Ibadan conference 1948 must be seen in the context of the great
increase in ethnocentrism. The origin of this tribal feeling was the
source of much bitterness and recrimination by Nigeria political
parties; an issue that later climaxed on party polities leading to a
coup which led to Nigeria Civil War in years to come.14
In fact originally, the increase in tribalism, as Ezera
showed, was resisted by circumstance rather than design and only later
was it seized upon by politician. This trend continued to dictate the
politics then, as later it also led to crisis in the Nigeiran Youth
Movement (NYM) Tribal feeling had set in the quarrel between Zik and
then older members of the Nigerian Youth Movement on the candidature of
Samuel Akinsanya for a seat on the legislative council; Zik left the
group. By 1949, the Northern People’s Congress, a cultural Congress like
Egbe Omo Oduduwa set in an era of tribal party politics posing a
greater danger to the Nigeria polity in years to come. 15The events at
the coal miners’ strike in which the police opened fire on the strikers
leading to the death of about twenty one led to the need for a new
Constitution that was thought of arresting the regional politics. Again
the Minority reports which would have ensured national building and
national character were dropped aside leading to events that occurred in
1956.16
On 1st April 1956 an Action Group backbencher, Anthony
Enahoro moved a motion demanding self government in 1956. It was clear
that the Northern members would not support the motion as they were not
yet prepared. The question here is whether the colonial authority would
have approved if the Western region people wanted self government. This
would have arrested the violence that followed the motion. The Kano riot
gave a final blow to the seeming unity in the theory of 1914
amalgamation. It clearly sent a signal that all was not well despite all
efforts at ensuring unity through the Macpherson Constitution of 1951.
Though the Macpherson’s Constitution was much more liberal in its look
than it’s predecessor, and much more in keeping with the needs of
Nigeria which inevitably led to the end of colonial rule in Nigeria.17
The issues that coloured the motion for self government
continued to shape Nigeria politics long after independence. Uncertainty
and lack of trust became the order of the day in Nigeria politics. At
the immediate post motion of self government, seeking alliance between
the West and East Nigerian unity collapsed leading to more complex
regional politics. At the height of the crisis among the North, West and
East, the North demanded the dissolution of the Federation.18 The
immediate result of the riots and the motion in the Northern House was
the realization by the Colonial Secretary, Mr. Oliver Lyttelton that his
earlier complacent statement that what Nigeria needs is a period of
reflection to let the dust die down was a departure from the truth.
The London conferences of 1956 seemed almost impossible.
The various parties sent delegations to the conferences with many
misgiving against this unpromising background; it is remarkable how much
agreement was in fact reached by the delegates to the London
Conferences.
The all important question of self government in 1956 was
cleverly, side stepped by offering self-government to those region that
wanted it in 1956, but not to the federation as a whole, thus leaving it
open to the North choice for self government. The bitterest issue of
the conference, which broke the N.C.N.C., Action Group Alliance, was
whether Lagos should be part of Federal territory. The N.C.N.C. which
had many members in Lagos, also felt that a federation should have a
true Federal Capital, while the AG wanted it to be part of the Western
Region. Once again a conference about which most people had been very
pessimistic was a striking success.19
In so far, the two conferences presented a framework that
led to a Constitution under which Nigeria was governed till the military
take-over in 1966.
The Coup to Coup (January 1966 to July 1966)
On October 1, 1960 Nigeria became an Independent member of
the International Community. There was clear optimism about its future
both within the country and outside, particularly the European powers.
The Independence was achieved through patient negotiation between
Nigerian leaders and the colonial masters, not by violent revolution.
The three governing parties of the regions namely N.P.C in the North,
the N.C.N.C. East and A.G. in West all ensured western-style
parliamentary democracy. The N.P.C. and N.C.N.C. formed alliance with
Dr. Nnamdi Azikwe as Governor-General and Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa as
Prime Minister. The tension that had preceded independence seemed over
as Nigeria appeared in its first year of sovereign nationhood, a sea of
tranquility in reference to the situation in Congo20. In the early years
of independence, the constitution was able to contain the various
strains to which it was subjected. This is supported by one Nigeria
newspaper which put it succinctly, “Nigeria seemed to have perfected the
art of walking to the brook of disaster without falling in". However,
the complete breakdown of law and order in the western region in late
1965 led the military to take over the government and suspend every
democratic institution.
Many factors have been given, including the historical,
regional and ethnic differences that led to the breakdown of the
political order in Nigeria. First, by the end of 1965, the politicians
had earned increased contempt for their corruption and profligacy in
dealing with Nigerians. Secondly, the gap between wealthy and the
growing wage earning closes grew rapidly greater during the next first
years. Thirdly, the growing discontent between Balewa and the elite as
regard the west. Fourthly, the continued policy by the government to
disregard the provision of the constitution and lastly the census of
1952-3, had created a slight overall majority was, however, the failure
of the politicians to respect both the letter and spirit of the
constitution that led to chaos which precipitated the January 1966 coup.
The coup of January set the road for another coup in July, 1966.
The coup in January was mainly seen as an Eastern coup by
the North. The North subsequently saw the unification of regional and
federal public services as policy to dominate by the Igbos. Also they
saw the killing of Northern military personnel as an attempt to dominate
the military. In July, Northern officers staged a coup in which Ironsi
on a visit to Ibadan was killed together with his host, Governor Fajuyi.
Finally the Army Chief of Staff, Lt Col. Yakubu Gowon a Northerner took
over as Head of State. The legitimacy of Gowon as Head of State caused
civil unrest leading to conflict and killing between the North and
Igbos. The continued rejection of Gowon by Lt. Col. Ojukwu led to chaos
that plugged into a thirty-month-long civil war, with the Igbos
declaring their Republic of Biafra.21
Conclusively, the colonial rule in Nigeria set a standard
that started in 1914. The constitutional framework at bringing unity to
Nigeria did not engender peace in the State. The war that ensued in
Nigeria has in the colonial legacy which the master left in the hand of
Nigerians the word is independence.
END NOTES
1. A.H.M. Kirk-Green: Who coined the name Nigeria? West African, 22nd December 1956
2. Prof. Thurstan Shaw field research in Nigerian Archaeology,
Journal Historical Society of Nigeria (JHSN) II, 41963 pp 449-64
provides a survey of the state of archaeology research in Nigeria up to
Independence